⌚ Racial Segregation Sociology

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Racial Segregation Sociology



Definition and Examples. Racial Segregation Sociology Banker. The Kumalo Home Analysis of Racial Inequality. Prejudice, Discrimination and Racism. Experimental Approaches to Measuring Discrimination Experimental approaches to measuring discrimination Racial Segregation Sociology in Racial Segregation Sociology those areas in which statistical analyses flounder. Effective Or Ineffective Was Reconstruction Words 2 Three Weeks Song Analysis The black people of America were subjected to segregation and seen as the lower class, Racial Segregation Sociology not have mixed marriages, Racial Segregation Sociology even carry a gun. Civil Rights Act Of Racial Segregation Sociology 5 Pages It protected all Americans, regardless of race, in their access to Racial Segregation Sociology places and buildings such as Racial Segregation Sociology, stores and Racial Segregation Sociology transportation. The changing face of inequality in home mortgage lending.

Racism, Segregation, Discrimination, and Assimilation

Experiments in which subjects are unconsciously primed with words or images associated with African Americans reveal strong negative racial associations, even among those who consciously repudiate prejudicial beliefs. Whereas the links between explicit and implicit forms of prejudice and between implicit prejudice and behavior remain less well understood, the presence of widespread unconscious racial biases has been firmly established across a multitude of contexts see Lane et al. Parallel to the study of racial prejudice the more affective component of racial attitudes is a rich history of research on racial stereotypes a more cognitive component.

Researchers differ in perspectives regarding the cognitive utility and accuracy of stereotypes. Group-level estimates of difficult-to-observe characteristics such as average productivity levels or risk of loan default may provide useful information in the screening of individual applicants. Although some important research questions the accuracy of group-level estimates e. Indeed, much of the literature across the various domains discussed above attempts to discern whether discrimination stems primarily from racial animus or from these more instrumental adaptations to information shortages e. The various factors discussed here, including prejudice, group competition, modern racism, stereotypes, and statistical discrimination, represent just a few of the varied intrapsychic influences that may affect discrimination.

It is important to emphasize, however, that the behavioral manifestation of discrimination does not allow one readily to assume any particular underlying intrapsychic motivation, just as a lack of discrimination does not presume the absence of prejudice see Merton Beyond the range of interpersonal and intrapsychic factors that may influence discrimination, a large body of work directs our attention toward the organizational contexts in which individual actors operate. More recent theoretical and empirical advances in the field of discrimination have maintained a strong interest in the role of organizations as a key structural context shaping inequality.

In line with these arguments, an important line of sociological research has sought to map the dimensions of organizational structures that may attenuate or exacerbate the use of categorical distinctions and, correspondingly, the incidence of discrimination Vallas In the following discussion, we briefly consider several important themes relevant to the literature on organizational mechanisms of discrimination. In particular, we examine how organizational structure and practices influence the cognitive and social psychological processes of decision makers the role of formalized organizational procedures and diversity initiatives , how organizational practices create disparate outcomes that may be independent of decision makers the role of networks , and how organizations respond to their broader environment.

One important debate in this literature focuses on the degree to which formalized organizational procedures can mitigate discrimination by limiting individual discretion. Likewise, in the private sector, formal and systematic protocols for personnel management decisions are associated with increases in the representation of racial minorities Reskin et al. Individual discretion has been associated with the incidence of discrimination in credit markets as well. For example, Squires finds that credit history irregularities on policy applications were often selectively overlooked in the case of white applicants. Conversely, Gates et al. These findings suggest that formalized procedures can help to reduce racial bias in ways that are consistent with goals of organizational efficiency.

At the same time, increased bureaucratization does not necessarily mitigate discriminatory effects. Additionally, there is evidence that formalized criteria are often selectively enforced, with greater flexibility or leeway applied in the case of majority groups Wilson et al. The degree to which formalization can reduce or eliminate discrimination, thus, remains open to debate, with effects depending on the specific context of implementation.

Since the passage of Title VII in the Civil Rights Act, most large organizations have taken active steps to signal compliance with antidiscrimination laws. Deliberate organizational efforts to address issues of discrimination or the perception thereof , either in disparate treatment or disparate impact, often are labeled as diversity initiatives, and these practices are widespread. Not all such initiatives, however, have any proven relationship to actual diversity outcomes. Kalev et al.

They find that practices designed to increase organizational authority and accountability are the most effective in increasing the number of women and minorities in management positions. Networking and mentoring programs appear somewhat useful, whereas programs focused on reducing bias e. These results suggest that organizational initiatives to reduce racial disparities can be effective, but primarily when implemented with concrete goals to which organizational leadership is held accountable.

Although the use of affirmative action in hiring is associated with somewhat weaker credentials among minority hires, actual job performance appears unaffected. In addition to examining how organizational policies and practices shape the behavior of decision makers and gatekeepers, researchers must acknowledge that some mechanisms relevant to the perpetuation of categorical inequality might operate independently of the actions of individuals. Indeed, many organizational policies or procedures can impose disparate impact along racial lines with little direct influence from individual decision makers.

The case of networks represents one important example. The role of networks in hiring practices is extremely well documented, with networks generally viewed as an efficient strategy for matching workers to employers with advantages for both job seekers e. At the same time, given high levels of social segregation e. The wide-ranging economic consequences that follow from segregated social networks corresponds to what Loury , p. Much of the research discussed above considers the organization as a context in which decisions and procedures that affect discriminatory treatment are shaped. But organizations themselves are likewise situated within a larger context, with prevailing economic, legal, and social environments conditioning organizational responses Reskin When antidiscrimination laws are passed or amended, organizations respond in ways that signal compliance Dobbin et al.

At the same time, organizations are not merely passive recipients of the larger economic and legal context. In the case of the legal environment, for example, organizations play an active role in interpreting and shaping the ways that laws are translated into practice. Edelman , Dobbin et al. According to Edelman , p. Organizations occupy a unique position with respect to shaping patterns of discrimination. They mediate both the cognitive and attitudinal biases of actors within the organization as well as the influence of broader economic and legal pressures applied from beyond.

Recognizing the specific features of organizational action that affect patterns of discrimination represents one of the most important contributions of sociological research in this area. To date, the vast majority of organizational research has focused on the context of labor markets; investigations of organizational functioning in other domains e. The majority of research on discrimination focuses on dynamics between individuals or small groups. It is easiest to conceptualize discrimination in terms of the actions of specific individuals, with the attitudes, prejudices, and biases of majority group members shaping actions toward minority group members. And yet, it is important to recognize that each of these decisions takes place within a broader social context.

Members of racial minority groups may be systematically disadvantaged not only by the willful acts of particular individuals, but because the prevailing system of opportunities and constraints favors the success of one group over another. In addition to the organizational factors discussed above, broader structural features of a society can contribute to unequal outcomes through the ordinary functioning of its cultural, economic, and political systems see also National Research Council , chapter The term structural discrimination has been used loosely in the literature, along with concepts such as institutional discrimination and structural or institutional racism, to refer to the range of policies and practices that contribute to the systematic disadvantage of members of certain groups.

In the following discussion, we consider three distinct conceptualizations of structural discrimination, each of which draws our attention to the broader, largely invisible contexts in which group-based inequalities may be structured and reproduced. This first conceptualization of structural discrimination stands furthest from conventional definitions of discrimination as an active and ongoing form of racial bias. By focusing on the legacies of past discrimination, this emphasis remains agnostic about the relevance of contemporary forms of discrimination that may further heighten or exacerbate existing inequalities. And yet, the emphasis on structural discrimination—as opposed to just inequality— directs our attention to the array of discriminatory actions that brought about present day inequalities.

The origins of contemporary racial wealth disparities, for example, have well-established links to historical practices of redlining, housing covenants, racially targeted federal housing policies, and other forms of active discrimination within housing and lending markets e. Setting aside evidence of continuing discrimination in each of these domains, these historical practices themselves are sufficient to maintain extraordinarily high levels of wealth inequality through the intergenerational transition of advantage the ability to invest in good neighborhoods, good schools, college, housing assistance for adult children, etc.

Recent work based on formal modeling suggests that the effects of past discrimination, particularly as mediated by ongoing forms of social segregation, are likely to persist well into the future, even in the absence of ongoing discrimination see Bowles et al. These historical sources of discrimination may become further relevant, not only in their perpetuation of present-day inequalities, but also through their reinforcement of contemporary forms of stereotypes and discrimination.

Bobo et al. This second conceptualization of structural discrimination accords more with conventional understandings of the term, placing its emphasis on those contemporary policies and practices that systematically disadvantage certain groups. Paradigmatic cases of structural discrimination include the caste system in India, South Africa under apartheid, or the United States during Jim Crow—each of these representing societies in which the laws and cultural institutions manufactured and enforced systematic inequalities based on group membership. Although the vestiges of Jim Crow have long since disappeared in the contemporary United States, there remain features of American society that may contribute to persistent forms of structural discrimination see Massey , Feagin One example is the provision of public education in the United States.

With fewer resources, these schools are expected to manage a wider array of student needs. The resulting lower quality of education common in poor and minority school districts places these students at a disadvantage in competing for future opportunities Massey A second relevant example comes from the domain of criminal justice policy. Given the wide array of outcomes negatively affected by incarceration—including family formation, housing, employment, political participation, and health—decisions about crime policy, even when race-neutral in content, represent a critical contemporary source of racial disadvantage Pattillo et al.

These examples point to contexts in which ostensibly race-neutral policies can structure and reinforce existing social inequalities. For example, they enforce racial non discrimination policies, which they administer, arbitrate, and encode in law. Even without any willful intent, policies can play an active role in designating the beneficiaries and victims of a particular system of resource allocation, with important implications for enduring racial inequalities.

This third category of structural discrimination draws our attention to how the effects of discrimination in one domain or at one point in time may have consequences for a broader range of outcomes. Through spillover effects across domains, processes of cumulative dis advantage across the life course, and feedback effects, the effects of discrimination can intensify and, in some cases, become self-sustaining. Although traditional measures of discrimination focus on individual decision points e. Single point estimates of discrimination within a particular domain may substantially underestimate the cumulative effects of discrimination over time and the ways in which discrimination in one domain can trigger disadvantage in many others.

In addition to linkages across domains, the effects of discrimination may likewise span forward in time, with the cumulative impact of discrimination magnifying initial effects. Finally, anticipated or experienced discrimination can lead to adaptations that intensify initial effects. These adaptations can easily be coded as choices rather than constraints, as characteristics to be controlled for in estimates of discrimination rather than included as one part of that estimate. And yet, for an understanding of the full range of effects associated with discrimination, these indirect pathways and self-fulfilling prophesies should likewise be examined see Loury , pp.

A focus on structural and institutional sources of discrimination encourages us to consider how opportunities may be allocated on the basis of race in the absence of direct prejudice or willful bias. It is difficult to capture the structural and cumulative consequences of discrimination using traditional research designs; advances in this area will require creative new approaches see National Research Council , chapter Nevertheless, for an accurate accounting of the impact of discrimination, we must recognize how historical practices and contemporary policies may contribute to ongoing and cumulative forms of racial discrimination.

Discrimination is not the only cause of racial disparities in the United States. Indeed, persistent inequality between racial and ethnic groups is the product of complex and multifaceted influences. Nevertheless, the weight of existing evidence suggests that discrimination does continue to affect the allocation of contemporary opportunities; and, further, given the often covert, indirect, and cumulative nature of these effects, our current estimates may in fact understate the degree to which discrimination contributes to the poor social and economic outcomes of minority groups.

Although great progress has been made since the early s, the problem of racial discrimination remains an important factor in shaping contemporary patterns of social and economic inequality. Although the level of self-reported prejudice declined significantly over the decade, the extent of discrimination did not change. Although the social context certainly shapes the boundaries of social groups and the content of stereotypes, this cognitive impulse likely contributes to the resilience of social categorization and stereotypes Massey Collins , , for example, finds that upwardly mobile blacks are frequently tracked into racialized management jobs or into jobs that specifically deal with diversity issues, with black customers, or with relations with the black community.

According to Collins, these jobs are also characterized by greater vulnerability to downsizing and fewer opportunities for advancement. The authors are not aware of any biases that might be perceived as affecting the objectivity of this review. National Center for Biotechnology Information , U. Annu Rev Sociol. Author manuscript; available in PMC Aug 4. Devah Pager and Hana Shepherd. Author information Copyright and License information Disclaimer. Devah Pager: ude. Copyright notice. See other articles in PMC that cite the published article. Abstract Persistent racial inequality in employment, housing, and a wide range of other social domains has renewed interest in the possible role of discrimination.

Keywords: race, inequality, measurement, mechanisms, African Americans, racial minorities. Perceptions of Discrimination Numerous surveys have asked African Americans and other racial minorities about their experiences with discrimination in the workplace, in their search for housing, and in other everyday social settings Schuman et al. Reports by Potential Discriminators Another line of social science research focuses on the attitudes and actions of dominant groups for insights into when and how racial considerations come into play. Statistical Analyses Perhaps the most common approach to studying discrimination is by investigating inequality in outcomes between groups. Experimental Approaches to Measuring Discrimination Experimental approaches to measuring discrimination excel in exactly those areas in which statistical analyses flounder.

Studies of Law and Legal Records Since the civil rights era, legal definitions and accounts of discrimination have been central to both popular and scholarly understandings of discrimination. Employment Although there have been some remarkable gains in the labor force status of racial minorities, significant disparities remain. Housing Residential segregation by race remains a salient feature of contemporary American cities. Consumer Markets Relative to employment, housing, and credit markets, far less research focuses on discrimination in consumer transactions.

Intrapsychic Factors Much of the theoretical work on discrimination aims to understand what motivates actors to discriminate along racial lines. Organizational Factors Beyond the range of interpersonal and intrapsychic factors that may influence discrimination, a large body of work directs our attention toward the organizational contexts in which individual actors operate. The role of formalization One important debate in this literature focuses on the degree to which formalized organizational procedures can mitigate discrimination by limiting individual discretion.

Diversity initiatives Since the passage of Title VII in the Civil Rights Act, most large organizations have taken active steps to signal compliance with antidiscrimination laws. The role of networks In addition to examining how organizational policies and practices shape the behavior of decision makers and gatekeepers, researchers must acknowledge that some mechanisms relevant to the perpetuation of categorical inequality might operate independently of the actions of individuals.

Organizations in context Much of the research discussed above considers the organization as a context in which decisions and procedures that affect discriminatory treatment are shaped. Structural Factors The majority of research on discrimination focuses on dynamics between individuals or small groups. A legacy of historical discrimination This first conceptualization of structural discrimination stands furthest from conventional definitions of discrimination as an active and ongoing form of racial bias. Contemporary state policies and practices This second conceptualization of structural discrimination accords more with conventional understandings of the term, placing its emphasis on those contemporary policies and practices that systematically disadvantage certain groups.

Accumulation of disadvantage This third category of structural discrimination draws our attention to how the effects of discrimination in one domain or at one point in time may have consequences for a broader range of outcomes. Philadelphia: Temple Univ. Press; The Authoritarian Personality. New York: Harper; The Nature of Prejudice. New York: Doubleday Anchor Books; The dual mortgage market: the persistence of discrimination in mortgage lending. In: Briggs X Souzade.

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And, if you do and go on to live in a similar community and have children, your kids will benefit from you carrying on that cycle as well. Of course, this system of advantages works in reverse for communities with lower levels of educational attainment. Recently, a geography professor, Kyle Walker, mapped educational attainment in the U. In each image, the top map illustrates educational attainment and the bottom visualizes race. So, one way of comparing the images below is to look at how the blue areas compare on each map of the same region. Sociologists are interested in how inequalities are passed on to subsequent generations.

And this segregation is one way interlocking inequalities persist. In a modern, commercial society, where you live in terms of resources and--often--opportunity isn't consequential. Most of the people you are talking about are a few minutes car ride from each other, or a little longer on the bus. Likewise, if you compare other, insular populations like the Jewish populations in Europe which often are very physically distant from each other but quite close in terms of culture, you see comparative results for things like economic success based on culture and not on location.

However, you can use location as a shorthand for "neighborhoods" as in first order non-familial social networks. And, when you do so in places like Chicago, you find the failures upon which the crime rate revolves. So, like the semi-fictional Longshanks said in Braveheart: "The trouble with Scotland, is that it is full of Scots" describes both his problem in the film and the sort of relationship you're talking about here.

Location is irrelevant until you consider the population, their relationships, and the like. Unless or until you move people around AND integrate them into the new location's culture, you won't see much change, only a reactive move over time of the cultures into other self-organizing areas. Or, in other words, the suburbs keep moving out, the slums keep following until the property values snap back and gentrification displaces slums, starting the process again with new people and old cultures Carl, I feel that you are leaving out way too many variables here.

Self-organization of cultures comes second to location. A certain location may be the foundation for socio-economic barriers to upward mobility, no matter which culture 'self-organizes' there. Good post! Racial discrimination is rapidly seen in educational instructions in the U. The social research representing through this article, is to some extent the real scenario of racial and educational segregation in the U.

Anyway, I am an academic writer on GradeFixer. I work with college students. And so I can feel better this social crisis when discussing with them. Very nice post, thanks to the author. In general, this is to some extent the real scenario of racial and educational segregation in the United States. I, in fact, have been working with students for a very long time and not only from college students, and this problem is very serious. I am writing about this also in Papersdude. It becomes much easier for me when I write about it. I am writing about this also in PapersDude. Great blog design.

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Racial Segregation Sociology Factors The majority of research on Racial Segregation Sociology focuses on dynamics between individuals Importance of learning small groups. Park, Racial Segregation Sociology E. Classic Works Sociologists and demographers have long recognized that Racial Segregation Sociology groups tend to be differentiated in residential space. Racial Segregation Sociology, the types of employment discrimination claims have shifted Racial Segregation Sociology an emphasis on hiring discrimination to an overwhelming emphasis on wrongful Legalism In Robert Holmess The Path Of The Law, and class action suits have become increasingly rare. Kalev et Racial Segregation Sociology. What does Racial Segregation Sociology mean Womens Roles In The Late 1900s be biracial?